Last week, the Democratic Union Party (PYD), the main Kurdish party in Syria, marked the 15th anniversary of its founding. During that time, the party has shifted from being an obscure Kurdish political branch into one of the primary players in the fight against Daesh. Now, however, the party — and Syrian Kurds in general — face a critical turning point. In July 2012, the Assad regime withdrew its forces from the Kurdish areas of northeastern Syria to focus on fighting rebels in other parts of the country. While there are numerous Kurdish political parties, the PYD was the only one with the readily available militia and institutional structures capable of filling the resultant power vacuum. Since then, it has been the primary organization governing and defending the Kurdish areas of Syria. The Syrian Kurds went from being “forgotten” people to global acclaim for their critical role in fighting Daesh from 2014 to 2017. They constituted the backbone of the multi-ethnic, US-supported Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which was the primary on-the-ground force fighting Daesh. Washington provided the SDF, including its Kurdish elements, with air support and, eventually, military equipment. The Syrian Kurds might yet negotiate a deal with the Assad regime that provides them with a degree of self-governance. Kerry Boyd Anderson However, as the threat posed by Daesh faded, US support for the Syrian Kurds became shaky. In November, President Donald Trump reportedly told the Turkish president that Washington would stop providing weapons to the Kurds. While there are still US troops in Syria focused on the mission to defeat Daesh, and working with the SDF, Trump said in March and in April that he wanted to pull out the US forces very soon. The president’s comments come on top of a history that has demonstrated the willingness of the US to turn its back on the Kurds. Kurdish leaders are aware, therefore, that they must find a way to survive in Syria without relying on US assistance. The Kurds are now between a rock (Turkey) and a hard place (the Assad regime). They must decide which enemy is worse and which one they can work with. It seems clear that the PYD sees Turkey as its main enemy, while Turkey views the PYD as part of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), which it considers a terrorist group, and has already taken significant action to undermine Kurdish territorial gains. It is likely that some Syrian Kurds view the Assad regime as the greater threat, but since the PYD is the strongest Kurdish faction, its choices will shape the future of the Syrian Kurds. Nonetheless, the Assad regime is a threat. The Kurds previously suffered under it, partly for the same reasons other Syrians did and partly because the regime sought to wipe out the Kurdish identity. While the Kurds want autonomy, or some form of a strong role in a decentralized, federal Syria, the regime wants the Kurdish territory — and its valuable oil and agricultural resources — back under its control. Over the summer, the PYD held discussions with the regime about the future of the Kurdish regions and other ethnically mixed territories that Kurdish-led forces captured from Daesh. It does not yet appear that the negotiations have led to any substantial agreements. The Syrian Kurds might yet negotiate a deal with the Assad regime that provides them with a degree of self-governance. After a potentially draining offensive in Idlib province, the regime might be exhausted and willing to compromise. Its Russian and Iranian allies might persuade Assad to negotiate with the Kurds so he can focus on reinforcing his authority elsewhere. However, Iran has no interest in an autonomous Kurdish region in Syria that might encourage similar aspirations among its own Kurdish population. Moscow, meanwhile, hopes to strengthen relations with Ankara and is unlikely to support an agreement that Turkey would find unacceptable. Negotiations could fail and the Assad regime might attack the Kurds and regain control by force. The Syrian Kurds have few friends. Iraqi Kurds have been an ally of sorts; they sent reinforcements during the battle of Kobani but are weaker now, and the Kurdistan Regional Government relies on its relations with Turkey. Despite tensions between Washington and Ankara, the US is unlikely to support Kurdish aspirations at the cost of its relationship with a NATO ally. There are good reasons why the international community should be reluctant to abandon the Kurds. Though far from a perfect example, the nascent Kurdish government is more moderate and democratic than most in the region and could play an important role in stabilizing a post-conflict Syria. The Kurds fought against Daesh, not only saving themselves but also diminishing the threat to the world, and they deserve something more for that than words of praise. Furthermore, a strong risk remains that Daesh, or some new version of an extremist group, will re-emerge in Syria and the world might once again want help from the Kurds. Kerry Boyd Anderson is a writer and political risk consultant with more than 14 years’ experience as a professional analyst of international security issues and Middle East political and business risk. Twitter: @KBAresearch Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not necessarily reflect Arab News" point-of-view