Sir Winston Churchill once famously said: “It has been said that democracy is the worst form of government except all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.” Never have these words sounded truer than now. Democracy seems to be under attack on all fronts. There are regimes that are more geared toward an authoritarian form of government, like the People’s Republic of China and Russia. They hold elections, but they do not stand up to the scrutiny of democracy watchdogs. The controversy surrounding the demonstrations ahead of Moscow’s municipal elections prove this point. The allegations in the US and some European countries that Moscow uses cyberspace to influence elections for its own ends take things a step further. The demonstrations in Hong Kong, where millions took to the streets to safeguard their rights under Hong Kong’s basic law (its constitution) and the principle of one country, two systems, were a prime example of what happens when grassroots democratic aspirations meet with an authoritarian regime. Then there is Turkey, whose President Recep Tayyip Erdogan keeps being accused by the EU of thwarting civil rights, freedom of speech and undermining democracy itself. These developments have lost Turkey its place in terms of ascending to the EU. India calls itself the world’s largest democracy with some pride. However, the recent crackdown in Jammu and Kashmir, where a whole province was put in lockdown, is hard to reconcile with lofty democratic principles. We do not need to go this far. So-called mainstream democracies are also grappling with the concept. Populists like Donald Trump and Viktor Orban systematically undermine the institutions that have been built to safeguard democracy. The far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD), which does not really uphold democratic principles, has enjoyed electoral success in Thuringia, Saxony and Brandenburg. Observers deplore an ideological split along the lines of the former German Democratic Republic and the Federal Republic. Germany’s broad citizens’ parties like the Christian Democratic Union and the Social Democratic Party have lost ground to fringe parties and movements. In France, President Emmanuel Macron’s movement, La Republique En Marche, pretty much obliterated the center-right and center-left parties during the last election. This came back to haunt the government when the “gilets jaunes” (yellow vests) protests paralyzed the country for weeks on end. The discontented no longer had the option to call on a parliamentary opposition, so they took to the streets instead. Nothing brings the limitations of democracy to the fore better than Brexit, as the “mother of all parliaments” has descended into chaos. A written constitution has become a must in order to avoid politicians playing fast and loose with democratic principles Cornelia Meyer There may be a few principles that are important to investigate to understand the limitations of democracy. First and foremost, democracy takes many forms. Parliamentary democracy, direct democracy, there are written and unwritten constitutions, and the enforcement of democratic principles varies widely, as does the history and political culture of the various forms. The electorate needs to have the ability to gain access to information about whom or what they vote for. A certain degree of education and access to various sources of information throughout the population are important to ensure that the electorate can base its decision on sound information. This is where literacy levels matter. It is also where misinformation initiatives and fake news can play a decisive role. Such concerns are precisely why many in the US and Western Europe have become nervous about covert information via the internet from Russia and others. There are also populist leaders who are more than willing to undermine democratic institutions. We have seen it in Hungary, Poland and, to a lesser degree, in the US. Brexit Britain is a prime example. Prime Minister Boris Johnson has prorogued Parliament during the most critical debate since the Second World War and has even threatened to disregard the law. Johnson seems determined to refuse to ask the EU for an extension of article 50 to avoid a no-deal Brexit on Oct. 31. The PM was seemingly within his constitutional rights when it came to suspending parliament, but breaking the law is dicier. The problem with the UK is that the country has no written constitution, but rather depends on a construct of texts, laws and conventions that serve as the constitution. Neither is there a constitutional court. Such a system only works when the key players abide by convention. One could argue that, in these times of populism, a written constitution has become a must in order to avoid politicians playing fast and loose with democratic principles for their own gain. Democracies depend on tolerance of various viewpoints and on openness. Earlier this year, Russian President Vladimir Putin criticized liberal democracies for their mindless multiculturalism. His is the perspective of a strong, authoritarian central government, which is embedded in Russia throughout history — under the czars and under communism, as in the Russian Federation. Western Europe has always been more liberal. However, the continent’s lack of solutions regarding migration has had a strong influence on the electorate, which is what Putin highlighted. The success of the AfD in Germany, Matteo Salvini in Italy and Orban in Hungary can, at least in part, be attributed to immigration fears among the general population. The EU has had a hard time coping. Sadly, a comprehensive system to distribute migrants is not forthcoming, which will put further strains on Greece and Italy. Across the pond, the immigration policies of the Trump administration have been widely criticized for their lack of compassion and decency. This brings us to the last point. Democracies tend to work best where there is a strong middle class and the divide between rich and poor is not too big; for it helps when people can discuss matters of state equitably. A climate where some have a sense of entitlement and many feel left behind is not conducive to good dialogue. In this sense, it is no coincidence that the likes of Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Switzerland have very strong democracies. All in all, democracy is a great concept. However, there are framework conditions that seem to help some countries form more stable democracies than others. They are the rule of law, a certain degree of equity and an educational system that trains the many to become responsible citizens. Interference from other countries or undemocratic forces is never helpful. However, in the end, they stand less of a chance if democracies are built on proper foundations.