Iraqi President Barham Salih this month made his third attempt this year to give his country a new government by nominating Mustafa Al-Kadhimi as prime minister. His predecessor, Adnan Al-Zurfi, had previously announced his failure to form a government, blaming “domestic pressure” and an absence of support from Iraq’s various power centers. Al-Zurfi had been opposed by the principal Shiite groups in the country, which viewed him as too pro-US. Al-Kadhimi, the head of the Iraqi National Intelligence Service (INIS) since 2016, is expected to be successful in getting parliamentary backing for his Cabinet within the mandated one-month period. The heads of all major political groups were present at the announcement of his nomination, while Salih has described him as a “fighter and intellectual.” The new prime minister-designate was an opponent of the Saddam Hussein regime. He spent many years in exile in the UK, where he worked as a journalist. He returned to Baghdad in 2012, completed his law degree and worked as a commentator on Iraqi affairs until 2016, when he was made head of the INIS. He is credited with thoroughly revamping this outfit and making it an effective instrument in the fight against Daesh. Iran welcomed his nomination as “a right step in the right direction,” expressing confidence that his government “would meet the demands of the Iraqi people and religious sources of emulation.” The US welcome was more cautious, with one official saying that the appointment would be “great for our bilateral relationship,” but couching this with a number of caveats: That Al-Kadhimi would be an Iraqi nationalist, dedicated to a sovereign Iraq, and committed to fighting corruption. Obviously, Al-Kadhimi will have to steer his government through the opposing claims of Iran and the US, which have made Iraq a battleground for their competing regional interests. This will require him to negotiate the future role of the Shiite militias in the country. Though ostensibly unified under the umbrella of the Popular Mobilization Units (PMU), many of them assert independent positions and are particularly hostile to the US presence in Iraq. Support for the US, which was never particularly high, has decreased considerably since the assassination of Quds Force chief Qassem Soleimani in early January. This has generated insistent calls for the total withdrawal of US troops from Iraq. New militant groups have emerged to threaten the safety of US forces. As prime minister, Al-Kadhimi will be holding a poisoned chalice. He will have to address economic challenges and the provision of services at a time when global oil prices — the principal source of national revenues — are plumbing new depths and are unlikely to go beyond $30 to $35 per barrel any time soon. This is while Iraq needs a price of $60 to $65 per barrel to meet its budgetary needs; otherwise it will have to delve into its reserves of about $80 billion, which will sustain the economy for just a year or so. The ongoing pandemic has brought about further chaos and uncertainty for Iraq at the worst possible time. It has resulted in a national lockdown and brought economic activity to a standstill, while demands for sustenance and services from the impoverished and restive population are making strident claims on the government. Iraq’s poorly funded health services are not capable of handling the pandemic, nor are its daily wage-earners willing to accept the lockdown. The people have been further alienated by the fact that the quarantine is being enforced by the same security forces that earlier attacked the street demonstrators who demanded reform. For many months from October last year, these demands for change brought thousands of young people onto the streets. They have condemned their corrupt politicians, expressed total rejection of the political order that is founded on an ethnic/sectarian-based spoils system, and have demanded a new order based on a new constitution, which would bring in fresh leaders without the taint of corruption or links with foreign interests. Earlier governments, backed by militants, responded to these demonstrations with ruthless force, killing more than 400 protesters. The ongoing pandemic has brought about further chaos and uncertainty for Iraq at the worst possible time. Talmiz Ahmad The pandemic has forced the demonstrators off the streets, though a few hundred continue to man the barricades in parts of Baghdad and Nasiriya, and are disinfecting the spaces they occupy themselves. On Tuesday, just as the government announced a partial lifting of the lockdown, clashes erupted between the protesters and security forces, leading to the death of one person. The new prime minister has emerged from the heart of the existing political establishment just when this order stands thoroughly discredited. The people have moved on from the old sectarian system and now want an electoral order that is truly transparent and accountable. To respond to this challenge, Al-Kadhimi will need to reinvent himself. He can convert his absence of a political base and affiliation into an asset by overturning the very system that has made him prime minister. Only then will he erase the baleful legacy of the US invasion of his country 17 years ago. We will know soon if this “fighter and intellectual” really has it in him to be the leader his people desperately need. Talmiz Ahmad is an author and former Indian ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Oman and the UAE. He holds the Ram Sathe Chair for International Studies at the Symbiosis International University, in Pune, India.