When the new Israeli government was eventually sworn in on Sunday following two delays — one for US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s visit and a second to allow Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu more time to complete the distribution of portfolios to satisfy power-hungry politicians — it was more farce than celebration. In his landmark Gettysburg Address, Abraham Lincoln established that the unbreakable covenant in a democracy is that of “government of the people, by the people, for the people.” In the process of forming the fifth Netanyahu administration, neither the composition of the government nor its guiding principles have shown the slightest trace of Lincoln’s legacy. If the first delay to this process was dictated by Washington, the second was imposed by too many ambitious politicians seeking too few ministerial positions. The irony is that, by the time the coalition is complete, it will comprise 36 ministers and 16 deputy ministers, making it the biggest in Israel’s history. This creates an anomaly: The vast majority of coalition MKs will serve in government and very few will concentrate on legislative work or oversee the activities of the executive branch. At a time when there are more than 1 million unemployed, mostly as a result of the current coronavirus pandemic, this government’s first contribution to tackling the problem has been to inflate the number of ministerial portfolios and ministers, split existing ministries and very creatively invent new ones, merely to appease disgruntled members of the coalition and at huge cost to the taxpayer. If anyone should require further evidence of the pretense of this coalition in its claim to be an emergency response to the coronavirus crisis, they need look no further than the appointment — almost as an afterthought — of the health and social welfare ministers. Neither has ministerial experience and both were appointed for political purposes to satisfy the convoluted process of completing the coalition jigsaw. On the face of it, the big majority that Netanyahu’s 2020 government enjoys should grant it stability, but this expectation is a mirage that could disappear at any moment. Most members of this government deeply distrust and disrespect each other, especially the two at the top, Netanyahu and Benny Gantz, who have been scarred by three malicious and brutal election campaigns. Moreover, there is an intrinsic instability in this new administration, derived from the number of competing factions and interests involved, an excess of fragile egos and, above all, the rotation agreement itself. The very need to invent the term “alternate prime minister” reflects Netanyahu’s desperation to stay in government if, in 18 months’ time, Gantz becomes prime minister. According to the illogical law as it stands, an indicted prime minister can serve in government, but not as a minister. “Alternate prime minister” is an invention that has one aim and one aim only: To keep Netanyahu — a defendant facing corruption charges — in government. In a year-and-a-half’s time, the three top positions in Cabinet — prime minister and the defense and foreign ministers — are scheduled to rotate. This leaves very little room for any of the incumbents to make a mark on their respective domains, especially with a civil service that is not inclined to be proactive when it knows that, in a matter of months, a new minister with new ideas and a new style will arrive. In times of crisis, when creativity and innovation are paramount, a rotating government is a recipe for inertia at best and paralysis at worst. However, that paralysis will stem not only from the carousel of ministers, but mainly from a prime minister who will be spending most of his time either in court, consulting his lawyers, or plotting with his political allies to avoid convictions for fraud, bribery and breach of trust, which could put him behind bars. For a long while now, Netanyahu’s judgment and morality have taken a back seat to his wrangles with the law, and this is bound to continue as his trial proceeds and eventually concludes. His failure to avoid indictment and trial, as well as further corruption investigations that are looming, can only mean that even more of his time and energy will be spent on avoiding justice at the expense of the country’s democracy and its national interests. Some of the recent appointments — among them that of Internal Security Minister Amir Ohana, who will oversee the appointment of the next policy chief, the coalition’s attempts to gain political control over the assignment of Supreme Court judges, and the chorus of attacks on Attorney General Avichai Mandelblit for “daring” to indict its irreplaceable leader — are just a prelude to the shenanigans we can expect in the coming weeks and months devoted to keeping Netanyahu out of jail. Equally dangerous is that decisions of existential importance for Israel, including national security issues, will become mired in and dictated by Netanyahu’s personal considerations, rather than the good of the country or the will of the people. This will include the annexation of parts of the West Bank, despite the risk of renewing hostilities with the Palestinians, broad international condemnation and threats of sanctions, while imperiling the peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan. And, as tensions with Tehran continue to rise, can the country, the region and the wider international community remain confident that Netanyahu will not resort to military adventurism to distract from his alleged crimes? Israel’s 35th government was born in sin: Betraying the will of the people, assaulting democratic values and procedures, tampering with constitutional laws and setting priorities to meet vested interests, mainly those of Netanyahu. One can only conclude that the new-old prime minister has taken Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address and turned it into government of Netanyahu, by Netanyahu and (especially) for Netanyahu. Yossi Mekelberg is professor of international relations at Regent’s University London, where he is head of the International Relations and Social Sciences Program. He is also an associate fellow of the MENA Program at Chatham House. He is a regular contributor to the international written and electronic media. Twitter: @YMekelberg