While most protests in Thailand over the past two decades have been against the government, the student-led demonstrations that have been ongoing for the past three months strategically target the monarchy. A number of unprecedented, almost unthinkable, things have happened in Bangkok over the past two weeks. On Sept. 20, a group of student leaders installed a plaque proclaiming Thailand for its people and challenging the monarchy right outside the Grand Palace in the capital. Then, last Thursday, several of these student leaders publicly set fire to the summonses sent to them by police for their role in organizing the protests that have snowballed into the biggest challenge to the Thai establishment since then-military chief Prayut Chan-o-cha seized power in a 2014 coup. In March last year, Chan-o-cha organized a sham election, in which his party failed to emerge as the largest, yet he still went on to win the parliament’s nomination to be prime minister — a process that was heavily criticized by opposition parties. Ever since he took power, Chan-o-cha has been seen as incompetent and has been highly unpopular. However, the biggest protests in a decade are not unique because of their size, but because, for the first time in more than 50 years, they target the monarchy instead of the military or the government in charge. This is partly explained by the behavior of King Vajiralongkorn, who has been particularly autocratic and is seen to be concentrating power in the palace. He is in complete contrast to his father, the late King Bhumibol, who was extremely popular — one of the most popular monarchs in the history of modern Thailand. Bhumibol was soft-spoken, gentle and cared about the people. Moreover, he maintained the dignity of the palace by staying out of the political power struggles that have racked Thailand incessantly, especially in the past three decades. Ever since he took the crown in 2016, Vajiralongkorn has seen his name appear frequently in the gossip columns on palace intrigue. The most famous case was that of his royal consort, Sineenat Wongvajirapakdi. In October 2019, only a few months after she had been named Thailand’s first royal consort for more than a century, she was stripped of all her titles for trying to elevate herself to “the same state as the queen.” After this sudden fall from grace, she was not seen in public for more than a year. Then, early last month, in an equally surprising development, she was reinstated to her position and all her titles and privileges were restored. The case made news all around the world and did not portray the Grand Palace in the best of lights. However, Vajiralongkorn has not only been in the limelight for his personal life, as he has also managed to give the palace an unprecedented central role in the running of the country. Though the monarchy has always been supreme in Thailand and the king has the ultimate power, it has been a long time since any Thai king took center stage in any regime — military or civil. Almost from the time that he began wearing the crown, Vajiralongkorn has tried to concentrate power within the palace, directly intervening in decisions or affairs that had previously been left to the prime minister. He has assumed control over billions of dollars of assets from the Crown Property Bureau and the command of two military regiments, another unprecedented move. Moreover, the king took stakes in key Thai companies, as well as vast tracts of land. But his most sinister moves have involved gaining direct control over the military, which has traditionally been one of the key power centers in the country. While nominally under the monarchy, the palace has, at least publicly, never previously seemed to exercise any control over it. However, Vajiralongkorn has played an active role in military affairs and several of the current top-ranking officers have been selected by him. Of the country’s numerous changes in governments outside of elections, it has been the military that has staged coups to overthrow the elected government, as Chan-o-cha did in 2014. For decades, the palace has, at least ostensibly, kept out of the undemocratic changes in government. But, with Vajiralongkorn, it is becoming difficult to discern whether any move is made by the government, the military or the palace. Moreover, over the past four years, Vajiralongkorn has built a cabal of business leaders and tycoons within the palace. Thus, the ongoing protests have rightly targeted the monarchy itself, as demonstrators see Vajiralongkorn as the biggest stumbling block to the restoration of democracy. The protesters have called for a major strike on Oct. 14, the anniversary of the historic uprising of 1973. Almost from the time that he began wearing the crown, King Vajiralongkorn has tried to concentrate power within the palace. Ranvir S. Nayar The protest is bound to be one of the largest in recent years. But the current regime — Chan-o-cha and the military generals, in conjunction with the palace — remains too powerful to be brought down easily. Not only will the students need to keep the momentum going, but they could also do with some more support, both from within the country and from overseas. While they may succeed in stirring other Thai people and political parties unhappy with the way things have stood since King Vajiralongkorn’s arrival on the scene, they are unlikely to be able to muster any support from overseas. No other country has seen fit to raise questions about the repeated massacring of democracy in Thailand. The regional Association of Southeast Asian Nations is unlikely to open the can of worms of anti-democratic leaderships, as it could place more than half of its member states under the lens. And the students cannot even expect the self-declared global protectors of democracy, like the US, EU, Australia or India, to bother raising the issue with their Thai counterparts. The students had better be prepared for a long season of unrest and campaigning if they are to achieve their goals. Ranvir S. Nayar is managing editor of Media India Group, a global platform based in Europe and India, which encompasses publishing, communication, and consultation services. Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not necessarily reflect Arab News" point-of-view