The devaluation of the Iraqi dinar is one of the measures taken by the Iraqi government to cope with the country’s grave economic crisis. Although analysts seem to put the blame on the current low oil prices and crude production cuts, in fact this unprecedented 20 percent devaluation is the result of years of suffering under the pressure of Iranian militias and the diversion of wealth toward Tehran. In a way, the situation is similar to what Lebanon is experiencing — forced isolation from its Arab neighbors and the international scene. One could label the predicament a case study under the title, “How to lose friends and alienate countries,” perhaps adding for good measure, “as well as plunge the country into total chaos and bankruptcy.” The situation in Iraq is quite alarming and is mostly the result of wealth being vacuumed out by Iranian corruption. The decision to devaluate by itself is a positive one. There is indeed no need to burn hard currencies to protect an exchange rate that does not reflect the economic situation. Despite the impact on import costs, letting the market decide usually improves things when other sound policies and reforms are put in place. Yet, the real problem is not an economic one, neither for Iraq nor Lebanon. The real problem is political. It is useless if not impossible to try and solve economic problems when there is no political vision for the country. This guarantees to keep it in a crisis loop with the only hope being that the downfall is not too painful. Therefore, there is no need to get into economic analysis. Iraq, like Lebanon, is heading toward a complete meltdown. Iraq has a clear advantage in its oil reserves, yet even on this front, the country has been forced to seek upfront payments to meet its liabilities and commitments. It is not enough that debt has plagued the country; now, future sales are being swallowed by the black hole of mismanagement and corruption. Iran, through its militias and its political parties, has been dragging Iraq and Lebanon to the bottom of an abyss. This same week, Iraq agreed to start fuel exports to Lebanon in 2021, a move that has been discussed since before summer, yet one may wonder how Lebanon will be able to pay for this. In Iraq, as in Lebanon, the piracy of electricity piracy is costing billions of dollars every year. Iraq marked the theft at $12 billion this year alone. In both countries, one might ask who protects this fraud and who is absolved from settling his bills. If this is clear for electricity, the same will apply to the Ministry of Health. The focus of Iran’s impact on this ministry goes beyond the social aspect, affecting business and finance. Iranian interference has indeed been a case study in leading countries in its sphere of domination into chaos. It destroys any voice that stands up to its violence. Yet, when it comes to economic interests, there must also be a real, underlying objective in evading sanctions and benefiting. Their appointed leaders act as a vassal state that needs to pay a tribute to the supreme power in Tehran. It is useless if not impossible to try and solve economic problems when there is no political vision for the country Khaled Abou Zahr It is clear that the Lebanese banking system and Iraqi energy are good means of setting up structures to avoid sanctions and pay tribute to Tehran. Basically, what Tehran gives to Hezbollah and its militias in Iraq it can funnel from state institutions and the private sector to benefit its own interests and extract whatever service or value it needs. In that sense, one might also wonder how much of the oil sold by Iraq could be smuggled Iranian oil or bartered at least. It is therefore understandable that protestors are calling for anti-corruption and anti-fraud reforms. Yet, when they call for technocrats here and there to take over the government, they are mistaken as such a call is without a clear political vision and, under current Iranian control, nothing will change before the political battle has been won. The fact is that Tehran and its proxies have something that their political opponents do not, and it goes beyond being armed and challenging the country’s institutions and sovereignty. It starts with political belief followed by strategy, planning and consistency in execution — and, most of all, total loyalty. There are certainly many other factors, such as financial resources. If Iran’s proxies can function, it is not a problem that the entire country falls into chaos. Electricity fraud, corruption or anything else works fine if they are gaining control and advancing their objectives. Unfortunately, on the opposing side, there is a complete lack of political vision. As crowds of protestors come and go, this will never be enough to effect real change. The enemy is ruthless: The assassinations of activists and any meaningful or inspiring voice is enough to prove it. Without a structured organization, activists will keep being targeted. Despite the direness of the situation and the risks of becoming a failed state, there are paths toward a better future. Yet, this road to recovery cannot start if the country’s sovereignty is being destroyed and the real issues are not tackled. It is also important for Iraq to win back Kurdistan and all regions to the federal state, which is the only way to move forward. Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi has proven his will to reestablish order and rein in armed militias — an undoubtedly difficult task. Before that, though, he should formulate a clear political vision that will rally the people of Iraq to his cause. This can only be a vision of freedom of belief, a free economy, and a small government. In other words, Iraq needs a locally flavored formulation of Reaganomics or Thatcherism. President Ronald Reagan defeated the USSR while Thatcher saved the UK economically. For its part, Iraq should not look to defeat Iran but rebalance its relationship with this important neighbor as this is the only way to recovery. This would be a net positive not only for Iraq but for the entire region. • Khaled Abou Zahr is CEO of Eurabia, a media and tech company. He is also the editor of Al-Watan Al-Arabi. Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not necessarily reflect Arab News" point-of-view