ast Wednesday in Washington was magnificent – the alchemy of a great republic’s democratic rituals, inspiring sentiments that did not fall into schmaltz, and the best of pop culture. Then there was the small matter of getting rid of the perpetrator of the Big Lie and welcoming a president who promised a new dawn, personified in Joe Biden’s dignity and decency. “Democracy has prevailed,” he declared. “There is truth and there are lies told for power and profit… each of us has a duty and responsibility to defend the truth and to defeat the lies.” It was the more extraordinary because it was all happening in the place threatened only a fortnight earlier by the ex-president’s menacing mob. America has shown us its best and worst and reminded us why it is such a compelling place. Absent from the celebrations was a large part of the Republican party, which, far from coming to terms with the extent of the deceit and deranged narcissism of their ex-president, was still holding on to his lie that the election was stolen. Amazingly, more than two-thirds of Republicans in the outgoing House of Representatives bowed to that view, voting not to certify the result only hours after the mob had been dispersed. The consensus is that this bodes ill for Biden and the US: the country needs the Republican party to break with Trump and recognise his lies. Until they do, America is a land divided. That is true, but it needs enough of the party’s base to believe the truth before enough Republican leaders will rupture their relationship with the master of Twitter invective and his mesmerising hold on his cult following. The liberal consensus on this prospect, however, is too pessimistic. Note that not one leading Republican turned up at Andrews Air Force Base to wave Trump’s plane goodbye. Republican leaders will openly turn on Trump if Biden and his team can drive inroads into the less cultish element of their support, so confronting them with a potential political death spiral. Here, the combination of beating the pandemic, the New Deal scale of Biden’s economic plans, along with the breadth of his support, including from donors fleeing the Republicans, offers him potential winning cards. Witness his surefooted moves in the first two days. The breathtaking scale and speed with which the US doubled economic production to support the war effort after Pearl Harbor was 80 years ago, but the cluster of Biden’s executive orders on Covid is an eerie reminder that when the US is minded it can mobilise like no other nation. It is now so minded. Biden is directing a “full-scale, wartime” Covid strategy, for example, to use the Defense Production Act to co-opt and direct the private sector to produce whatever is needed on the scale it is needed, from vaccine to PPE equipment. Masks are to be worn in federal buildings and on interstate public transport; incoming travellers will be required to quarantine; 100m vaccinations are to be rolled out by April. His Covid taskforce consists of can-do talents. Science is to rule: the top geneticist Eric Lander is to become his chief scientific adviser with cabinet rank. And to cap it all, rejecting Trump’s vaccine nationalism and recognising that to defeat the pandemic means good public health in Manaus or Mumbai as much as at home, the US is to rejoin the World Health Organization. The same reasoning informs Biden’s rejoining the Paris climate change accords; there is no point developing a national strategy for aggressive decarbonisation without the rest of the world acting in parallel. The US is rebuilding its multilateral bridges – expect the EU to be a crucial ally. Brexit Britain and its trade deal are second-order irrelevancies. Biden’s promise to deliver 2bn vaccinations internationally is an astonishing stroke; the 2 billion recipients will be the west’s best ally against the failing soft power ambitions of China – a foreign policy coup in 24 hours. Equally good moves were to freeze building the wall on the Mexican border and to rescind Trump’s “Muslim” travel ban as racist and discriminatory. The same change in values underpins domestic economic policy. A national emergency requires an emergency response, argues Biden, hence there are already discussions with Congress over a $1.9tn package to boost the incomes of the less well-off so hard hit by Covid. Beyond that, there are ambitious targets for a makeover of the US’s decaying infrastructure and to build a stakeholder economy – qualifying the privileged interest of shareholders, promoting the pursuit of purpose over profit and strengthening trade unions. Biden is a self-avowed “union man”. This is radical centrism. Biden’s values are there for all to see: he has already warned White House insiders he will have no truck with anybody who treats colleagues with disrespect; his cabinet’s diversity is in plain sight; his America is the majority and it is willing him on. Thus his success is likely, if beset by risk, and it could transform British politics. For Brexit is our Trump. Instead of the opposition conniving in the belief that the best that can be done is to improve the terms of the “deal” over many years ahead, the political task is to assemble a similarly broad coalition to Biden’s and oppose Brexit in the same terms. It is founded in the same Trumpite lies and disrespect for truth, it poses the same threat to decent values, the same isolation, the same rightwing dead end – and offers economic stagnation to boot. Leading Labour politicians, shattered by electoral defeat, have lost all self-confidence, their world narrowing to winning back former “red wall” seats. Biden demands a step change in ambition. Don’t resile from your beliefs – fight for them. What was done against Trump can be done against Brexit. Labour should heed Biden’s success: the US and its radical centrist show the way.