The Biden Administration released on Wednesday its first national security strategy, focused on countering China’s influence and containing Russia. According to reports, the strategy had to be substantively revised in light of the war in Ukraine and growing tensions with China, leading to a delay of several months in releasing the report. While Russia and China dominate the report, together garnering more than 120 mentions, the 48–page document is fairly comprehensive, covering issues such as food security, terrorism, arms control, pandemics, climate, cyberspace, technology and corruption. In terms of geography, it gives a glimpse of the US’ thinking on most regions in the world. Much has been said about the US de-emphasizing the Middle East and the Gulf, but the region appeared about 20 times in the report, much more frequently than traditional areas of US interest, such as Latin America or the Caribbean, Japan, Korea or Australia. In terms of substance, very little appears to have changed in US policy toward the Middle East and Gulf, except for the Palestine/Israel conflict, where the Biden administration is reverting to more traditional US positions. And drawing lessons from the failed Iraq war, the Biden administration advocates a more practical and nuanced approach to the region that is worthy of support. The National Security Strategy was designed to communicate the US national security vision — an exercise mandated by law in 1986 — to be sent by the president to Congress. The report is required to include a discussion of US international interests, commitments, objectives and policies, along with defense capabilities necessary to deter threats and implement security plans. Administrations have differed on how frequently they send those assessments. For example, President Clinton sent seven reports during his eight years in office, while President Obama sent only two. This year’s report is the first issued by President Biden. While the strategy does not betray substantive changes in US policy toward the Gulf region, in practical terms the war in Ukraine may preoccupy the administration and pull its officials away from dealing with the Middle East and the Gulf. However, the administration may find the region necessary to achieve its goals in stated priority areas. According to the document, US strategy on China and Russia will rely on a three-pronged approach: Strengthening the US economy to “maintain a competitive edge,” modernizing and upgrading US military capabilities and “using diplomacy to build the strongest possible coalitions.” These three factors will necessarily affect US policy in the Middle East and especially the Gulf, and will bring the US closer, not farther, from the region. In fact, the strategy lists many areas where the Middle East and Gulf could play key roles in achieving its regional goals. For example, it cites Iran as posing a clear threat to international security, regional stability and to US citizens, institutions and interests. It interferes in the internal affairs of neighbors, proliferates missiles and drones, is “plotting to harm Americans, including former officials,” and is advancing a nuclear program beyond any credible civilian need. One of the strategy’s goals, therefore, is to “enhance deterrence toward Iran.” Most of these concerns are shared by the GCC. Drawing lessons from the failed Iraq war, the Biden administration advocates a more practical and nuanced approach to the region that is worthy of support Abdel Aziz Aluwaisheg It correctly states that the US derives security and economic benefits from the region’s stability and strengthened representative institutions, and as such, it supports partners striving to “build transparent, inclusive and accountable institutions” to tackle corruption, combat gender-based violence, and protect against external interference or coercion, including from Iran. It also states that the US will “continue to work with allies and partners to enhance their capabilities to deter and counter Iran’s destabilizing activities.” It will pursue diplomacy to “ensure that Iran can never acquire a nuclear weapon, while remaining postured and prepared to use other means should diplomacy fail.” It stresses that Iran’s threats against US personnel as well as current and former US officials “will not be tolerated,” and that the US will “respond when our people and interests are attacked.” On the Middle East region as a whole, the strategy advocates a nuanced and practical approach, drawing lessons from the disastrous Iraq war, which was strenuously opposed by GCC countries. Over the past two decades, it says, US foreign policy has “too often defaulted to military-centric policies underpinned by an unrealistic faith in force and regime change to deliver sustainable outcomes, while failing to adequately account for opportunity costs to competing global priorities or unintended consequences.” The US now believes that it is time to “eschew grand designs in favor of more practical steps that can advance US interests and help regional partners lay the foundation for greater stability, prosperity and opportunity for the people of the Middle East, and for the American people.” The new strategy then advocates a new framework for US policy in the region based on five principles. The first principle is support for countries that subscribe to the rules-based international order, making sure that “those countries can defend themselves against foreign threats.” The second is deterrence. The US is committed to not allowing foreign or regional powers to jeopardize freedom of navigation through the Middle East’s waterways, including the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab Al-Mandab, nor to tolerate efforts by any country to dominate the region through military buildups, incursions or threats. Third, the US will work to reduce tensions, de-escalate and end conflicts wherever possible through diplomacy. Fourth, the US will promote regional integration by building political, economic and security connections, including through integrated air and maritime defense structures, “while respecting each country’s sovereignty and independent choices.” Fifth, the US will promote human rights and the values enshrined in the UN Charter. The new framework will combine diplomacy, economic aid and security assistance to local partners to reduce instability, and prevent the export of terrorism or mass migration from Yemen, Syria and Libya, while working with regional governments to manage the broader impact of these challenges. In effect, most if not all of these principles and priorities of the revised US policy in the region would require greater cooperation, not less, with GCC countries, thus putting to rest speculation that US links to the region would fray because of new priorities elsewhere. • Dr. Abdel Aziz Aluwaisheg is the GCC assistant secretary-general for political affairs and negotiation, and a columnist for Arab News. The views expressed in this piece are personal and do not necessarily represent GCC views. Twitter: @abuhamad1