Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan on Tuesday visited Damascus and met with President Bashar Assad as a follow-up to last week’s visit by the Syrian foreign minister to Riyadh. The post-meeting communique stressed national reconciliation, allowing aid to reach all parts of the country, the withdrawal of militias, fighting the drug trade and, most importantly, setting the conditions for the safe return of refugees. The safe return of refugees has been the biggest hurdle to finding a solution to the 12-year-old conflict. Lebanon, a country with a broken system, has been greatly suffering as it bears the brunt of hosting Syrian refugees. There is no accurate number, but Lebanese sources claim the country is hosting more than 2 million of them. Lebanon’s decaying government institutions are unable to provide services for Lebanese citizens, let alone refugees. Government infrastructure is collapsing under the strain. Even the most supportive activists are now realizing that the refugee issue is taking its toll on the country. Hence, their return is necessary. However, the return of refugees should be — as indicated in UN resolutions — safe, voluntary and dignified. The most important element is safety. This means that refugees should be able to go back to the homes they left and that they will not be subjected to arbitrary arrest. In 2018, pressured by the Russians, Assad agreed to an amnesty for the deserters of compulsory conscription. He had previously ordered a fine and prison sentence for those who reached 18 and did not report for conscription. These penalties pushed refugee families with boys who had turned 18 to stay outside the country. However, even after the amnesty, people were arrested on random charges. This deterred refugees from returning. Even for the families that registered to go back with the UN Refugee Agency, the regime has only given clearance to a small fraction of them. It is important to note that most of the refugees in Lebanon come from areas that are occupied by Hezbollah, such as Qusayr, Harasta and Zabadani. In 2013, the Mikati government allowed Syrian refugees to come to Lebanon. The decision was taken with the blessing of Hezbollah, which was incurring losses in Syria. The group was fighting people in their own land who knew the terrain much better than they did. The opening of the border was a relief for Hezbollah. It was better for the group to have the fighters become refugees living in tents in a camp under their jurisdiction, as the fighters fled unarmed and entered Lebanon with their families. However, the refugees started to become a problem even for Hezbollah. Sunni refugees driven out of Syria who ended up in Lebanon are changing the demographics to the disadvantage of the Shiite population, which make up Hezbollah’s base. For example, Arsal is a town of 35,000 inhabitants that now hosts 120,000 refugees. Also, in a situation that is highly volatile and polarized, Hezbollah sees the Sunni refugees as a threat. According to one official, Hezbollah estimates that 80,000 of the refugees are now armed. This is an alarming signal for the group, especially as it is facing growing opposition at home. Hezbollah looks at the refugees as a ticking bomb that will blow up in its face in the case of an internal confrontation. Hence, their return is a pressing issue for Hezbollah. Assad’s army is definitely not a force that can inspire trust for the refugees to go back. Dr. Dania Koleilat Khatib However, for the refugees to go back, the safety condition needs to be fulfilled. In order to achieve that, Hezbollah needs to vacate the areas it is occupying in Syria and go back to Lebanon. In order to accept that, it needs to cover its back by ensuring that the borders are safe and that no hostile armed group will cross the border and challenge them in Lebanon. This means that any withdrawal from Syria should be coupled with the deployment of forces that Hezbollah can deem benign. These forces should also provide a safe environment for the refugees’ return. Assad’s army is definitely not a force that can inspire trust for the refugees to go back. It also does not have the capabilities to secure the refugees’ return. Assad’s army is a loose collection of militias, gangs and warlords with no cohesive command and control structure. The only two solid legions are the 4th Armored Division under Assad’s brother Maher, which is under Iranian tutelage, and the Tiger Forces commanded by Suheil Al-Hassan that takes orders directly from the Russian base at Hmeimim. This highlights the need for peacekeeping forces. In the course of the Saudi-Iranian rapprochement, Arab countries should agree with Tehran on the formation of an Islamic joint peacekeeping force. This would cement the current rapprochement between Iran and Saudi Arabia and would be a good base to start confidence-building. Also, with it being part of a joint force, Iran’s activities would be kept under control. This would comfort Hezbollah and it might be willing to make this compromise and retreat from Syria. Once the refugees return and are safe, the international community can start working with local councils on early recovery without fearing that any of the aid or funds will be confiscated by the regime. This plan would alleviate the burden of refugees from Lebanon and help toward finding a solution in Syria. Dr. Dania Koleilat Khatib is a specialist in US-Arab relations with a focus on lobbying. She is president of the Research Center for Cooperation and Peace Building, a Lebanese nongovernmental organization focused on Track II. Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not necessarily reflect Arab News" point of view