Sipping pints of Guinness, swapping football shirts and purring about respect and new dawns, the British and Irish prime ministers seemed determined to inject long-absent warmth into the relationship between their countries when they met on Saturday. The thaw is overdue; Keir Starmer’s visit to Dublin was the first by a British PM in five years. In 2019, Boris Johnson’s visit came amid manifold anxieties about securing a Brexit deal, prompting a declaration from the Irish government that “the people of this island, North and South, need to know that their livelihoods, their security and their sense of identity will not be put at risk as a consequence of a hard Brexit. The stakes are high. Avoiding the return of a hard border on this island and protecting our place in the single market are the Irish government’s priorities in all circumstances.” The distrustful atmosphere was a product not just of the June 2016 British vote to leave the EU, but a broader Tory ignorance about what the border in Ireland represented. The failure to consider that issue during the Brexit referendum campaign was compounded by simplistic distortions and assertions. The border was then resurrected as a touchstone, much to its discomfort, as imagined irascibly in the Twitter feed @BorderIrish: “I was just minding my own business, being a largely invisible little border that no one had thought about for years … after decades of misery … and then along comes Brexit, like some gobshite taking its first lesson, crashing all over the place.” Unfortunately, it was worse than that for most Irish observers, who saw Brexit as many gobshites, driving multiple cars in too many directions with no knowledge of the destination. Ireland seemed a rock of political stability, maturity and calm as the Tories imploded. A deal was eventually struck that infuriated unionists as Northern Ireland remained half in and half out of the EU. Brexit poisoned the well of British-Irish relations. The Tories’ romantic and selective view of Britain’s imperial past led to much renewed flexing of Irish nationalist muscles, a reminder of the continuing relevance of the observation by the then British ambassador to Ireland, Alan Goodison, in 1983 that in Anglo-Irish relations there was “a raw nerve which never sleeps”. The desire to now reset appears genuine. Starmer, with an oft-expressed fondness for Ireland, a history of involvement with Northern Ireland issues and a strong component of staff with Irish links, is well placed to reduce strains. But we should not get carried away. One message that has resonated through the years is the advice given to another British Labour prime minister, James Callaghan, who, when he was home secretary, was urged to avoid “getting sucked into the Irish bog”. That bog might be less perilous than it once was, but it still creates wariness in Britain. Although the fervid days of the Troubles and violence are over and power-sharing has been restored in Northern Ireland, there are ongoing concerns about the prospects of Irish unity, immigration and the legacy of the Troubles. Starmer has committed to repealing the contentious Legacy Act, introduced by the Conservatives, which closed down criminal investigations into the Troubles. But what will replace it remains unclear. Starmer is circumspect about Irish unity. And while historically there was the British Labour slogan “Justice for Ireland”, in practice there was much detachment and hesitancy about getting embroiled in Ireland. Starmer’s Dublin visit generated healthy promises, including a formal annual summit between the two countries, protecting and developing an estimated yearly £100bn trade and business relationship, and nurturing cooperation on energy, climate change, sport, education and culture. There was also the assertion of the importance of both governments being co-guarantors of the Good Friday agreement. None of this should be dismissed; geography as well as history has always been central to British-Irish relations, and what is being attempted is a recognition of the scale of our entwinements. But while a dose of British humility will be welcomed in Ireland and Starmer appears genuine, the Irish appetite for adapting to shifting British currents and priorities has waned. Brexit fundamentally altered Irish foreign policy. The Irish public have consistently been enthusiastic about EU membership. Brexit deepened that; at the height of tensions in 2019, a Eurobarometer poll suggested Ireland topped the EU table for having a positive image of the EU at 63%. Only 7% had a negative image, hardly a surprise given the solidarity with Ireland shown by its EU partners amid the Brexit fallout. Ireland’s foreign policy anchor lies heavily in EU waters. Security, the climate crisis, migration, economic and defence issues for Ireland demand more focus on Europe. The late historian Ronan Fanning identified a constant feature of the Anglo-Irish relationship when he observed in the most fraught days: “Britain looms larger in the Irish consciousness than Ireland in the British.” That endures, but it has faded somewhat. When Starmer speaks of a British-Irish partnership reaching “its full potential”, he is also seeing that as a route to a warmer British relationship with the EU. That potential is somewhat limited; nor is the Irish consciousness quite as consumed by Britain as it once was. Diarmaid Ferriter is professor of modern Irish history at University College Dublin. His new book is The Revelation of Ireland 1995-2020