In a significant diplomatic move, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan last month unveiled a new international alliance that is dedicated to implementing the long-discussed two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The coalition’s primary objective is to establish an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel. With Israel already established on historical Palestinian land since 1948, the focus now turns to creating a viable Palestinian state with full political autonomy, a robust economy that effectively harnesses the state’s natural resources and capitalizes on the potential of its youth, and the support of both regional Arab nations and the international community. However, this initiative faces staunch opposition from various extremist factions. These include hard-line elements within Israel, currently led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, as well as Iran’s leadership and its proxies in Lebanon, Iraq and Syria. Palestinian militant groups Hamas and Islamic Jihad also stand in opposition to the two-state framework. A diverse coalition of groups, often at odds with each other, consistently opposes the creation of an independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital. Despite their differences, these factions find common ground in rejecting peace initiatives. The root of this opposition likely stems from a shared interest in maintaining the status quo. Establishing a Palestinian state would threaten the collective benefits these groups derive from the current situation. Chief among these interests is the preservation of extremist ideologies that thrive in conflict. Historical evidence demonstrates a clear pattern: forces opposed to regional peace consistently work to undermine initiatives that challenge their positions. A diverse coalition of groups, often at odds with each other, consistently opposes the creation of an independent Palestinian state Bakir Oweida Attempts to derail peace initiatives in the Middle East have a long history, dating back to the Arab acceptance of UN Security Council Resolution 242 after the 1967 war. This resolution, which implicitly recognized Israel as a state, was notably supported by Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser’s influential Arab leadership and international presence. The pattern of obstruction continued with the formation of the “Steadfastness and Confrontation Front” in response to Anwar Sadat’s controversial Camp David Accords in 1978. This trend persisted in the reception of the Arab Peace Initiative, which was adopted at the Arab League’s 2002 Beirut summit as the official Arab stance on peace with Israel. The persistent obstruction of peace initiatives by extremist factions has been a hallmark of Middle Eastern politics for decades. This raises questions about the effectiveness of the recently announced two-state solution alliance, launched within the symbolic confines of the “matchbox,” as the UN building is described. Can this new coalition succeed where others have failed? The answer lies in its ability to exert meaningful pressure on key players, starting with Israel. Success hinges on compelling Israel to adhere to international law and abandon its perceived impunity in regional affairs. This approach aims to create an environment in which peaceful solutions become not just possible, but preferable for all parties involved. Influencing Israel’s stance is crucial but insufficient on its own. Equal diplomatic pressure must target Israel’s key allies, primarily the US and the UK. With the US presidential election looming next month, timing is critical. The alliance must now formulate effective methods to apply legitimate diplomatic pressure across multiple fronts. Bakir Oweida is a Palestinian journalist who pursued a professional career in journalism in Libya in 1968, where he worked at Al-Haqiqa newspaper in Benghazi, then Al-Balagh and Al-Jihad in Tripoli. He has written for several Arab publications in Britain since 1978. He worked at Al-Arab newspaper, Al-Thadamun magazine and the international Arabic newspaper Asharq Al-Awsat. He has also worked as a consultant at the online newspaper Elaph. This article first appeared in Asharq Al-Awsat.