The setting of a new record usually turns into a celebratory and congratulatory occasion. For the more thoughtful it can be also time of reflection. Last month, on July 20 to be precise, Benjamin Netanyahu reached the milestone of being the longest serving prime minister in Israel’s history, on that day having occupied the position in different periods for a total of 13 years and 128 days. He thus surpassed the previous record-holder, David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first prime minister and the country’s founding father. It is not known whether Netanyahu celebrated the occasion with the customary smoking of an expensive cigar and by sipping pink champagne; however, judging by the manner in which he is campaigning for next month’s elections, self-reflection seems to be almost non-existent in his case. Naturally, the identity of the person whose record was broken has led to inevitable comparisons between the two and their respective legacies. As is the case with most leaders, Ben-Gurion did not leave office voluntarily, and I don"t believe Netanyahu will either. One of the main features that makes the two men so different is that David Ben-Gurion was a man ready to take risks to translate his vision into reality: without such an approach the state of Israel would never have come into being. Netanyahu on the other hand has been mainly tactical in his approach, relying on his populist-nationalistic rhetoric to conceal his cautious nature. He has also been spending more and more of his time plotting an escape route from having to face the courts on corruption charges. It is only to be expected that with the passage of time the past will often be painted with much brighter colors than it deserves. Ben-Gurion’s record in office left many questions unanswered; his critics have doubted the sincerity of his support for the UN partition plan, and have pointed to his direct role in creating the Palestinian refugee catastrophe and his missed opportunities to reach peace. He didn’t always play politics by the rules and there was a ruthless streak in him when it came to accomplishing his plans. However, he was probably one of the most deliberately single-minded leaders of his era, even before the establishment of the state of Israel, one who declared the independence of the Jewish state even when the odds were stacked heavily against it. If Ben-Gurion was a pragmatist, then Netanyahu has been an opportunist, one who has proved to be a very skilled politician capable not only of reinventing himself after losing elections to suit the ballot box’s needs, but also of getting a grip on Israeli politics and consolidating an electoral support base that is incapable of recognizing his political and personal faults, and is loyal to the man himself while not necessarily to his party. When asked about how he wants to be remembered, Netanyahu replies that he would like history to think of him as the defender of the Jewish people. Interestingly enough, according to one of Israel’s leading revisionist historians, Tom Segev, “in many ways, Mr. Netanyahu has actually been following quite consistently in Ben-Gurion’s footsteps — particularly in his view that Israel’s conflict with the Palestinians can at best be managed, not solved.” Segev might be right; however, Netanyahu has operated in a completely different environment. It has been more than three decades since the PLO, the sole representative of the Palestinian people, recognized the right of Israel to exist, while Israel, backed up by a strong economy, has become an even more powerful military force. But instead of seeing such positive developments as a lever to move towards bringing an end to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict based on a two-state solution, he is doing everything in his power to destroy this option. Netanyahu boasts about Israel’s military, but at the same time he has consolidated his support by spreading fear about the existential threats to the country and claiming that he alone is capable of halting them. Two other areas that Netanyahu loves to boast about when glorifying his time in office are the strength of Israel’s relations with the world at large and the prosperity of its economy. On both issues there is an element of truth in his claims; however, both reflect the groundwork laid out by previous governments, and his achievement has merely been not to squander those previous achievements. When he eventually leaves office – and this might be rather soon – Netanyahu will be remembered for his, and his wife’s, uncontrollable desire to stay in power. Yossi Mekelberg Maintaining good diplomatic relations with large parts of the world, despite his appalling treatment of the Palestinians, is a sad reflection of the state of world politics in which his nativist populism has become an acceptable and unchallenged norm. Much of the continued success of the economy is due to its stabilization and liberalization back in the 1980s, prior to Netanyahu’s role in it, and in Israel’s investment in education that has an even longer history and laid the foundations for its current and impressive technological flourishing. However, under successive Netanyahu governments the education system has been underfunded and deprived of necessary resources, especially for subjects that are essential to sustain the innovative nature of the economy. Worse, while the country was founded on semi-socialist foundations, today the growing economy is benefiting only certain segments of the society while many others are being left behind. For whatever achievements Netanyahu might be able to claim, when he eventually leaves office – and this might be rather soon – he will be remembered for his, and his wife’s, uncontrollable desire to stay in power. To that end he is ready to incite against his political rivals and spread divisions within the society. He will be remembered for legitimizing the Khanist fascists and for the Nation-State Law that legalized discrimination against the Palestinian citizens of Israel. And he will be remembered for corrupting and being corrupted. David Ben-Gurion is probably turning in his grave at the thought of being mentioned in the same breath as Israel’s current prime minister.