The raging battle between two US allies in northern Syria is a stark illustration that despite some new rhetoric, the Trump administration still lacks the will and leverage needed to lead a solution to the Syrian crisis, or even to properly defend US interests there. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson correctly identified the United States challenges in post-ISIS Syria in a speech two weeks ago in California, including confronting the ongoing terrorist threat, Iranian expansion and Bashar Assads brutal aggression. By announcing that US troops would remain in the country, Tillerson seemed to acknowledge that on-the-ground influence is necessary for the United States to achieve its objectives. Inside the administration, officials tell me that getting Syria policy that far was a herculean effort. Many in President Donald Trumps orbit still advocate focusing solely on ISIS and letting the rest of Syrias chips fall where they may. Theres still a contingent that wants to cut and run. While the Trump administration now says publicly that the United States does have long-term interests in Syria, it hasnt yet connected that to a real plan. Whats clear is that the current US commitment in Syria is not enough. "Those who know history know everything is a question of leverage," French author Bernard-Henri Lévy told me. As Turkeys assault on Syrian Kurdish forces near its border continues into its second bloody week, the Trump administration has chosen to tacitly endorse the campaign. Lévy sees that as a betrayal of the Kurds, who have fought ISIS with US support and share the basic values and goals of the United States. In his view, both the Obama and Trump administrations abdicated responsibility and leadership in Syria, creating a vacuum that powers such as Turkey, Iran and Russia have rushed to fill. Those powers saw the United States abandon Iraqi Kurds when Iraqi and Iranian militias attacked them last year, and they calculate that theres no cost for attacking Syrian Kurds today. "The real interest of America is to support the Kurds because they are faithful allies. [Turkish President Recep Tayyip] Erdogan is not a faithful ally," Lévy said, calling the United States tolerance of Turkeys assault a "scandal." Tillerson last week said the United States is trying to persuade Turkey to limit the scope of its attacks on the Kurds in the Afrin area of Syria. Behind the scenes, US officials are scrambling to prevent Turkish forces from attacking nearby Manbij, where US forces sit, as Erdogan has threatened to do. Others argue the United States can and should respect Turkish security concerns but need not throw the Kurds under the bus in the process. Yet even if the Trump team can strike that balance, it wouldnt address the fundamental flaw in its Syria strategy - a lack of sufficient leverage on the ground to realize Tillersons vision. "We have committed ourselves to a very tactical, myopic fight in Syria from the very beginning, which has worsened these broader strategic issues, including the relationship with Turkey, the Syrian civil war and confronting Iran," said Wael Alzayat, a former State Department official who now runs a nonprofit organization called Emgage. The Trump administration is still repeating many of President Barack Obamas key mistakes. The United States is depending on Russia to exert pressure on the Assad regime, which Moscow has proven unwilling or unable to do. The Trump administration touts a UN-sponsored peace process as the political way forward, but it has been a perennial failure. The effort to confront Iran in Syria is not properly resourced. Theres no real pressure on Assad to halt his mass atrocities. What are the alternatives? Short of a large increase in US troops, which nobody is advocating, there are several ways the United States can strengthen its hand in Syria. First, the United States must not abandon the Kurds it has trained. That could prompt them to strike deals with the Assad regime or Russia, with horrendous consequences. Second, the United States must make a play for influence with Arab groups that still defend Sunni-populated areas. This means resuming support for moderate rebels, especially in Idlib province, where the Assad regime and its partners are advancing. It also means adding more Arabs to the Syrian Democratic Forces and supporting local governance in areas not under Assads control. Third, the Trump administration should raise the pressure on Assad, Russia and Iran, including through sanctions, the credible threat of US force and whatever else might persuade them to honor de-escalation agreements they are violating and negotiate in good faith. As of now, they have no intention to do so. A year into Trumps presidency, his administration is saying the United States has a long-term interest in Syria. The next step is to match those words with action. The Washington Post